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The Ute: Grizzly Bear's People
AUTHOR'S NOTE:
The following excerpt comes from my book, The People: Indians of the American
Southwest. My emphasis is contemporary; I do not include
complete ethnographies of each tribe's pre-contact lifeways or extensive
recounting of tribal myths. As readers
will discover in the text, I have talked with several hundred Indian people in
the fifty reservation communities across the Southwest, as well as in the
region's major cities. I deeply
appreciate the generosity extended to me when I showed up on doorsteps
unannounced. I apologize to all of the
members of these tribes I did not seek out or missed. I have tried to emphasize the positive
statements made to me and avoid either romanticizing the People or ignoring the
huge problems they face. As Stan Steiner said of his 1968 classic, The New Indians:
"What I have written is not a study, but a book of people full of the
truths and lies people tell."
Those "truths and lies" are simply the stories every person
tells in their own way. Other members of
their communities would tell different stories.
I try to provide a chorus of stories that, together, communicate the
distinct personality of each people.
I have tried to photograph with care, to refrain from
taking advantage of people. Except for
public events, I have asked permission from my subjects. During four days photographing at an Apache
girl's puberty ceremony at
Whiteriver,
Arizona
, I asked my companion,
the late San Carlos Apache medicine man Philip Cassadore, whether it was really acceptable to publish my pictures. With a wry spark in his eye, he reassured me:
I had a wordless model release from the entire community: "You took the
picture there at the ceremonial ground in front of two hundred Apaches, and no
one stopped you. If somebody is going to
stop you, they'll stop you right there.
Nobody stopped you; that means okay."
There will be Indian individuals and entire communities
who will read this book and feel that I have divulged too much, that a white
man should not be treading this territory; I regret offending them. And there will be Indian people who resent
other members of their communities speaking about their shared culture, though
virtually every person I interviewed made clear that they spoke only for
themselves. In interviews, I did not
pursue such sensitive subjects as ritual and ceremony. If one of the People chose to share sacred
aspects of culture, he or she did so, and I took notes. Hopi and Zuni people talk openly about
katsinas; Acoma,
Santo Domingo, or San Felipe
Pueblo people would
never talk
about such matters with anyone outside the Pueblo.
In my text, I have tried to strike a middle ground. I know I have taken
some risks. Everett Burch, language and
education coordinator for the Southern Utes at the time I visited him, said to
me: "We've given you a piece of our lives.
You then have the responsibility to give something in return."
This book is my gift.
his is our
homeland. This is our one last acreage;
it sounds big, but it's small compared to what we once owned: the whole western
slope of Colorado." Ute Mountain Ute
Arthur Cuthair sums up the history of his people with these words and a sweep
of his arm up and around, through a blue sky stirring with thunderheads--taking
in the green tableland of Mesa Verde, the stub of Chimney Rock, and the
sleeping curves of Ute Mountain.
Once, his people lived unchallenged throughout western
Colorado and eastern Utah, in the Rocky Mountains and the drier plateaus and
valleys sloping southward to merge with the Southwest. The Utes held this homeland in the face of
all immigrant invasions, perhaps for as long as ten-thousand years--right up to
a century ago. And then they lost nearly
all of it to the last invasion, to the Anglos who came to settle and mine and
own land the Utes felt could not be owned.
But they did not disappear. Vivian Frost, a young Southern Ute woman,
says: "In Colorado they think we don't exist, but we do." The southern bands of Utes continue to exist
today at two reservations in the southwest corner of the state. All other Colorado Indian tribes were
removed. Northern Colorado and Utah Utes
live at the Uintah-Ouray Reservation in northern Utah--beyond the Southwest.
Norman Lopez, editor of the Ute Mountain tribal
newspaper, the
Echo, says:
"We need to understand that there are Indians in Colorado. These
dances, the Sun Dance and the Bear Dance, still exist today."
The Utes endure.
From the Wasatch Range
overlooking the Salt Lake Valley, east to the Great Plains, and from the Uinta
Mountains at the rim of the Wyoming Basin, south to the San Juan River and
Santa Fe, eleven historic Ute bands divided this huge expanse of the West. Several bands had access to abundant mountain
game and garnered half of their food from hunting. Others lived on lakeshores, and a third of
their diet came from fish. The driest
territories dictated more plant gathering.
At their frontiers, the Utes came in contact with a wide
variety of other Indian cultures.
Western Utes, in modern Utah, were most like their Great Basin
linguistic cousins, the Paiute and Shoshone.
Eastern Utes, in modern Colorado, adopted more Plains traits. The southernmost eastern Utes had the closest
contacts with Pueblo and Apachean peoples--trading at Taos and Pecos, allying
with the Jicarilla, even a few bold Ute farmers planting cornfields long before
Indian agents came along and insisted they do so.
Reservations isolated these three southernmost Ute bands
from northern bands, and today there are Southern Utes and Northern Utes. The Mouache and Capote bands merged to become
the Southern Ute Tribe. The Weeminuche
band became today's Ute Mountain Ute.
All other Utes came to be called Northern Utes.
The Mouache lived along the eastern edge of the Rocky
Mountains from Denver to Santa Fe, westward to the San Luis Valley. Capote Utes spanned the Colorado-New Mexico
border south of the summits of the San Juan Mountains and west from the San
Luis Valley as far as Durango. Still
further westward, the Weeminuche held the San Juan River drainage, from the
snowy San Juan and Abajo mountains to the arid mesas and plateaus surrounding
the confluence of the San Juan and Colorado rivers in Glen Canyon--where they
overlapped the San Juan band of Southern Paiute.
These Utes were the northernmost of Southwestern
Indians. Beyond them to the north,
beyond the spine of the San Juans and the high desert of the San Luis Valley,
land, plants and animals, and culture changed.
The Southwest ended.
After making the world and
all the animals, the He-She--Sinawaf, the One-Above, the Creator--realized that
they would always be quarreling, particularly with Coyote around to cause
trouble. So Sinawaf made the Grizzly
Bear to rule over the other animals with wisdom and strength. Coyote still makes mischief. But Bear is there for the Utes to learn from.
Eddie Box, the Southern Ute Sun Dance chief, told writer
Nancy Wood some of what the Utes have learned.
"The bear...was able to bring people together, to teach them to
live in harmony all year long, not just at Bear Dance time. The Creator used the bear to teach the Ute
strength and wisdom and survival."
The Bear Dance is the oldest of Ute ceremonies--still
performed today at both Southern Ute and Ute Mountain. By dancing, the Utes awaken Bear from winter
sleep. In turn, Bear leads the People to
roots, berries, and nuts through the summer. Women choose their partners (who
should not be relatives), and the courting that follows has always led to many
marriages. On the sidelines, feasting,
horse-racing, gambling, and stick-and-hand games make these four days the most
important coming together of the Ute year.
The Southern Utes and Ute Mountain Utes both hold sacred
the Bear Dance and Sun Dance. Southern
Ute educator Everett Burch says, "There's one big church--there's no
getting away from it. The whole universe
is one big tipi."
Youngsters also join powwow dance groups, learning what
David Box learned: "The older people say a powwow is to establish yourself
among other people in good spirits--teach your children what it means to be an
Indian." Linda Baker Rohde
remembers: "In Durango, the school never understood how important it was
to get away for powwows. If they want to
keep what's left of the real Native American, they will have to learn how to
work with them."
The most powerful part of "what's left" of the
Ute spirit comes out each year in the Sun Dance. And to talk about the Southern Ute Sun Dance
means talking about Eddie Box.
Consistently described as "the self-proclaimed
spiritual leader of the Southern Utes," Eddie Box is a controversial
character. In When Buffalo Free the Mountains, Nancy Wood tells the story
of Box's return to the reservation in 1954 after some years away, of his
restoring the Sun Dance that had disappeared with the death in 1941 of the last
Sun Dance chief (the grandfather of Eddie Box's wife). She tells of the risks he has taken--and the
criticism these actions have brought.
Eddie Box stepped in to fill a vacuum. The grumblings from the rest of the community
about his conspicuousness and his celebrity seem to come not so much from
people who wish to displace him, but from the jealousy extended toward anyone
who has the confidence to stand alone.
I spoke with Eddie Box in his living room, under the gaze
of a great shaggy mounted buffalo head, with bold paintings by his son on the
walls facing a reproduction of a classic Remington-esque cavalry-and-Indian
skirmish. On the mantel were
black-and-white photos: a mysterious vision of Jesus appearing in the Canadian
clouds taken by a Cree friend of Box and a portrait of the Comanche leader,
Quanah Parker--a Box ancestor. Eddie
says that he has a little Cheyenne and white in him also, from his grandmother,
daughter of trader George Bent and his Cheyenne wife. Many Box family members, including Eddie,
have Bent as a middle name.
Box served sixteen years on the tribal council; retired
now, he makes Ute "love flutes," signing them with the name he
prefers, Red Ute. He says, "Back in
the fifties, they call me agitator, they call me activist. They call me many names. All I was telling the people was `wake up--we
cannot let somebody else think for us all the time.'"
He speaks most passionately about ceremony: "When I
talk about these things, it kind of sends chills down my back. We've got so much power within ourselves to
help ourselves, but we don't use it.
That's what the Indian ceremonies are all about. The Sun is an energy, it is created by the
Creator. Accept it, it fills you up, then
you let it flow out."
Eddie Box says: "I didn't become the Sun Dance chief
overnight." Like any Sun Dance
chief, he received a vision directing him to sponsor the dance. He speaks thoughtfully, sincerely, and
movingly; he seems the real thing. Who
are we--Ute or non-Ute--to question the validity of personal visions?
The Sun Dance came to the Ute from the Shoshone, who
learned it from the Comanche, who learned it from the Kiowa. Ute Mountain performed their first Sun Dance
in 1900, their shaman Tonapach learning the ritual from the Northern Utes; he,
in turn taught the ceremony to Southern Ute shaman Edwin Cloud in 1904.
In his fine book on the Sun Dance religion, Joseph
Jorgensen suggests that the Utes adopted the Sun Dance after the Ghost Dance
failed to rid their world of whites, after the Utes had resigned themselves to
reservation life. The Sun Dance
"promised only that men could cope with life as it was, promised only that
it could make men well and make communities happy to the exclusion of whites,
yet in a white-dominated world."
And it delivers on these promises to its participants still. As Eddie Box says: "Some of the things
Indian people feel are not written in books, they are written in their
hearts. The teachings of the Sun Dance
are about peace and harmony."
Sun Dancers pledge to dance in twelve dances. In each, they dance for three days and three
nights (at Southern Ute, four), seeking to acquire power, puwa. They
dance and sleep in a corral, the "thirst house," without drinking or
eating, with the hope that power will come to them--for themselves, the
community, relatives in mourning, or to make themselves shamans. Singers and drummers accompany them,
spectators watch and bring them armfuls of cattails, cottonwood branches, and
other water-loving herbs to cover themselves with. The women who sit by the singers brandish
these same sprays of green plants, keeping time to the music with them. The women sing for a line or two alone when
the drum stops--a benediction.
The dancers move back and forth toward a central
cottonwood pole, in the crook of which rests a bison head. They charge and retreat, blowing eagle-bone
whistles, meditating, pondering their dreams, giving themselves to the power of
this religious experience. The symbolism
of the corral and the dance is complex, mixing Ute ritual with Christianity:
indeed, Utes told Jorgensen: "No one knows the complete meaning of the
dance."
I watch as Eddie Box directs the third day of a summer
Sun Dance. He announces that the
afternoon is for blessing and healing anyone who wants to come into the
lodge. An old man is pushed beneath the
center pole in a wheelchair; next come mothers with babies and little
children--the kids solemn, uncrying.
Eddie Box wears a crown of greenery and uses a swatch of
it as a wand, along with an eagle wing, working over the bodies of the
patients. The eagle wing makes a dry
tapping sound, light, soft, with a vibration--of power. Other dancers do some curing and
"shamanizing" for their own patients.
The Southern Ute Sun Dance lodge stands a couple of miles
north of Ignacio. Beyond its circle is a
circle of brush shades and the tipis and pickups of spectators's camps. Beyond camp is a circle of sheltering reddish
hills; on ridgetops and along the base of the rise stand ranchhouses, the more
affluent with satellite dishes. The
cattail sprays brought to the dancers come from the marshy edges of fields,
some with cattle grazing, a few marked by the rhythmic clanking of oil-well
pumpjacks. Further still is the circle
of mountains, big ones, including Hesperus Peak in the La Platas. Los Pinos River flows by midst cottonwood
trees, a little to the east.
This truly is a dance to the Sun. Sunlight blasts the spectators, too, but we
have it easy, retiring to shade and food and cold drinks whenever we feel the
need. All that greenery warming in the
sun makes the lodge smell sweet and moist--and I smell sage, too.
The drum and the singing and the sharp thin chorus of
eagle-bone whistles mesmerizes. The drum
goes on and on; it rests on the earth; its vibrations come through earth and
air to each listener's breastbone.
Breastbone, eagle bone.
The dancers hold eagle wings or a single wing feather, to
amplify their prayers and to bless the pole, each other, themselves, and family
members who approach. Eddie Box says:
"When you come out of the Sun Dance, you have to do it in steps, like a
decompression chamber. We hope they
won't go down
all the
steps, back to where they started."
A last dance, last song, and last blessing end the
ritual. Gift giving and a feast end the
gathering. The Southern Ute dance begins
the annual cycle of Shoshone and Ute Sun Dances, and people from all the
reservations attend and dance at others.
Linda Baker-Rohde said
something to me that explains how the Utes have maintained their spirit in the
face of change. "You are everything
that is in your family line. No matter
who you are, you are an old person with someone new inside of you. You reflect who you once were, yet you have
new experiences that your great-grandmother couldn't have."
Eddie Box says, with hope: "One hundred years from
now, our kids probably will be more understanding than us. I understand my elders; these people in the
future will understand me
and my
elders.
"One hundred years from now, Utes will still be Sun
Dancing."
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